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On a Sunday afternoon in March, a celebration of life was held in memory of Terence Unity Freitas. The event took place on a grassy sun-drenched field at the elementary school he attended in Northridge California. About 400 people, made up of friends, family members and colleagues, turned out to share their love and concern for this young person whose death, which took place in Colombia, not only came too soon, but was surrounded by tragic and baffling circumstances.

Terry, originally from North Hollywood, was only 24 when he left this world, but he had lived a full life and accomplished much. He was an individual of multi-dimensions with a passion for living, learning and giving back to the planet. In high school he was a foreign exchange student. He held a black belt in the martial art of Hap ki do. He was a teacher women's self defense and children's ceramics. He was a biologist and environmental scientist. He was a gourmet cook with a knack for sushi. He was an indigenous rights advocate. He was a fluent speaker of Spanish, spoke functional Japanese, some German, Hebrew and U'wa.

Within a time frame of just a few months, his sense of justice brought him to Chiapas Mexico in the aftermath of the Acteal massacre, and on several occasions to the tribal lands of the U'wa people of Colombia, whom he had given his unconditional support in their struggle for dignity and survival in the face of neocolonialism.

Shortly after graduating from the University of California at Santa Cruz, Terry had been a part of Sol Communications, an organization that has worked on behalf of the Dineh community of Arizona, a group struggling for land rights and against environmental racism, which poisons their lands with nuclear waste. Due to his background, Terry understood the issues facing the U'wa, an indigenous community of 5000 in northeastern Colombia.

Terry began to work with the U'wa community of Colombia in May 1997 after serving as an official observer at a Los Angeles meeting between Occidental Petroleum and U'wa leader Roberto Cobaria. Within a few months, he co-created and coordinated the U'wa Defense Working Group [UDWG], a coalition of non-governmental organizations supporting the U'wa struggle.

The biggest threat to the U'wa people emerged in the 20th century with the arrival of the new conquistadors, multinational corporations. In April 1992, L.A. based Occidental Petroleum, which would form a partnership with Shell Oil, was granted exploration rights too much of the traditional U'wa territory, known to the oil industry as the Samore block.

In Colombia, oil brings a viscous cycle of destruction, displacement and violence. Rivers, lakes and soils have been polluted to the point that they are no longer fit for human consumption. The lands and peoples of oil production zones have suffered a massive military occupation. This has fanned the flames of Colombia's decades long civil war, resulting in the two major guerrilla groups using a campaign of sabotage against oil installations. The pipeline has been bombed over 500 times, causing major oil spills unto the local environment. Meanwhile, human rights abuses against local peasants, environmental activists and union members, mainly perpetrated by pro-government paramilitaries, have become all too common.

The U'wa do not want to be victims in this crossfire. They have made their voices heard. For years now, they continue to say no to oil. The U'wa took legal action in 1995. The tribe won a few victories in Colombian courts, only to be later overturned in favor of oil companies. In 1997 the tribe turned to the Organization of American States and filed a complaint against the Colombian government stating that their rights as indigenous people under the Colombian constitution have been violated.

It was shortly after this complaint was filed that the U'wa met Terry, who they embraced as one of their own. Through UDWG, he fought to help the U'wa "struggle to reclaim their traditional territory, realize their right to halt industrial projects that threaten their survival, and protect their culture..." He was instrumental in obtaining a resolution by the OAS and Harvard Center for Nonviolent Solutions calling for an immediate and unconditional suspension of all plans connected to oil production in the Samore block. Shell Oil pulled out of the project, while Occidental agreed to a partial withdrawal from U'wa lands.

In March 1999, Terry returned once again to U'wa lands. This time not to help them wrangle with oil companies, but to assist in constructing a school with a curriculum of indigenous language maintenance. Accompanying him on this trip were experts in the field, two active indigenous women whose homelands are located in the United States, Ingrid Washwinawatok of the Menominee nation, and Lahe'ena'e Gay, a native Hawaiian.

The three were kidnapped on February 25th. Exactly one week later, their bodies, blind-folded and bound, with multiple bullet wounds were found on the Venezuelan side of the Colombian-Venezuelan border area. The Colombian and U.S. governments immediately blamed the FARC [Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia] for the killings. But most politically progressive people with a sense of Latin American social and political history were highly skeptical that the FARC was responsible.

At the exact time this took place, FARC was involved in major peace talks with the Pestrana government. FARC has indeed been involved in kidnappings in the past, but their objective is always to raise money through ransom. There was no demand for ransom for the three activists. As a leftist guerrilla group, FARC'S philosophy blames rich nations and their transnational corporations for the suffering of poor communities. Would FARC have an agenda against helping an oppressed indigenous group to develop culturally relevant schools, or in their struggle against an oil company?

And in killing three well-known indigenous rights activists, would FARC seek to anger politically progressive people world wide who are usually understanding of armed opposition movements in poor countries? Wouldn't a guerrilla group with the experience of a decades long civil war know that these killings would spell political suicide?

Members of the FARC were contacted by those close to the three activists. According to a spokesperson for the Menominee nation, it appeared progress toward their release was being made. But somehow, despite what seemed like positive communication, the three were not released. They were brutally murdered. In chilling bewilderment, people all over the world following the story could only ask why?

In public statements, the FARC explains it as a grave error by a rogue element in the organization. "A mistake from hell." The group has promised to hold an independent investigation and bring those responsible to 'revolutionary justice.'

At the function celebrating Terry's life, his Mother and others close to him issued a noble and adamant call for the U.S. government to not use this tragedy as license to sell more arms or increase military intervention in any way in Colombia. They also called for a just and constructive peace process to continue in Colombia.

Terence Freitas is survived by his Mother and Father, a brother, a sister, and his girlfriend Abby. He was an extraordinary human being and his life and death should serve as an inspiration to us all. He may be physically gone, but his dreams of a more just world and good work remain. The U'wa people are still struggling against Occidental Petroleum whose new proposed drill site is located on U'wa ancestral lands.

"That is the reason why we are doing this work: so that people can listen to singing."

-Terence Freitas

1974 - 1999

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Contact the U'wa Defense Working group at Los Angeles regarding upcoming events. 310-456-1340

HelpUwa@ran.org

Arcweb.org for the Action Resource Center. Also (310) 396-3254

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